Egypt: What's occurring?

In her first column of the term, Thea Osborne looks at the current situation in Egypt for Exeposé Features.

Cairo protests
Image credits: Gigi Ibrahim

It has been particularly difficult to ascertain a clear understanding of the situation in Egypt since the overthrow of Mubarak in 2011. The old regime, secularists, Islamists, military and international powers have all tried to place their stamp on Egypt’s future resulting in chaos, dissatisfaction and further splintering within all sides. Furthermore, it appears to have become even more confusing since the overthrow of the democratically elected Muhammad Morsi in July last year after his brief 13-month rule. It is estimated that over 1,000 people have died since Morsi’s overthrow and many, particularly those in the Muslim Brotherhood to which Morsi belonged, have claimed that his overthrow was a coup against the democratically elected leader and that there have been systematic attacks on the Brotherhood ever since, including branding them as a terrorist organisation. It is the role of the army which seems the least transparent and yet most constantly powerfully part of Egypt’s post-revolution history and the recent constitutional referendum seems to be the latest twist in reinforcing their power.

To many the latest constitutional referendum is seen far more as a vote as to whether Morsi’s overthrow and the power of the military has been approved, then anything relating to the text that it contains. It was announced on Saturday that 98 per cent of participants voted ‘yes’ to the new constitution This could potentially have the power to pave the way for new elections and provide a legitimacy to the military’s handling of the state since helping to topple Morsi last summer. However, there are large criticisms of the campaign, particularly the government’s arrests of ‘no’ campaigners along with the voting turnout of 38.6 per cent despite the government having desperately urged people to vote as part of their ‘patriotic duty’. The turnout is not as low as that for the constitution voted for under Morsi’s rule but still indicates that much of the population does not have confidence in the current political system and as a result is either boycotting or feeling apathetic towards the vote. There were geographical divides between north and south in voter turnout; the more traditionally Islamic south appears to have primarily boycotted the vote as a protest against the crackdown on Islamism and Morsi’s overthrow.

The constitution generally strengthens the military, the police and the judiciary; key points include: the president can serve only two four-year terms, the defence minister must be chosen by the military, Islam is the state religion but freedom of belief is “absolute”, the state guarantees equality between genders and no political party can be based on “religion, race, gender or geography”, protests are still subject to strict laws and civilians can still be tried by a military criminal court. Despite certain liberal appearances the constitution has many critics within liberal groups, such as the 6 April Movement who were very involved in the ousting of Mubarak and who consider it as a return to the days of military leadership under Mubarak and simply a legitimisation of the powerful and unquestioned position of the army’s power. The Muslim Brotherhood is also understandably critical of the constitution particularly as its rules concerning the role of religion within political parties destroy its legality.

Parliamentary and presidential elections are now due to take place within the next few months and there seems little doubt that General Al-Sisi who orchestrated the coup against Morsi will run for president. If successful, once again a military strongman will be in charge of Egypt and there will be little room left for doubt as to the power of the military within Egyptian politics. The authorities have insisted that the country is on the road to democracy, others though are predicting mass revolt and another revolution. Whatever the case it is unquestionable that the military has an unrivalled position that they are very unwilling to jeopardise and many direly predict that oppression, censorship and violence are already and will continue to be used.

Thea Osborne, Features Columnist

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Cairo Kindness

Image credits: Prince Fluffy Kareem

When it comes to Cairo, the eyes of the world are usually drawn to the ongoing struggle between the military and the Muslim Brotherhood in the aftermath of last year’s Arab Spring revolutions. But, as Danielle McIntosh examines, too often there is an unseen side to such conflicts, and animals can be victims just as much as humans.

With the amount of international coverage that Cairo has attracted recently, a growing organisation that aims to heal Cairo’s horses, donkeys and camels and educate their owners might just give you a new perspective on the people of this divided city.

The organisation is called ‘Prince Fluffy Kareem’, or PFK for short, named after a cheeky grey stallion they rescued in June 2011. Kareem was found in an emaciated, dehydrated state, suffering from equine malaria and with sores all over his body. The transformation that took place under the care of PFK is quite unbelievable and Kareem is now happy, healthy, and living in luxury – relative to most of the animals in Cairo.

The story of Kareem is not an isolated one. In fact, almost all the horses, donkeys, and camels in Cairo live their entire lives in an undernourished state. This is in part due to the poor quality of life of people living in Cairo, but alongside this is the lack of education about proper animal care in Egypt.

Egypt’s economy relies heavily on tourism. Unfortunately, with the revolution which took place between January and February 2011 and the military toppling of President Mohammad Morsi this summer, tourism has completely collapsed. Egypt’s people live in poverty, there is rioting and fear of further unrest, the education and health systems are incredibly poor, a huge percentage of women are circumcised, and some families are so poor they have to sell their daughters’ virginity to rich Saudi Arabians. People have been looting the pyramids, Egypt’s biggest tourist attractions, out of utter desperation, even though they know the implications this will have for future generations. Marte, a founder of PFK writes on the organisations Facebook page: “This is not the Western world. When you are born poor here, you have minimal, minimal chances of raising your living standards… [This is] a society where children dig in trash for a living, we cannot expect people to have awareness for animal rights; the people don’t even have basic human rights.”

Image credits: Prince Fluffy Kareem

Marte, who was born and lived in Norway, now dedicates each day to helping Egyptian animals and their owners to have healthier, easier lives. She and Sherif, a vet, run the PFK stables together with the help of a handful of other skilled and dedicated people from around the globe. Even after three years of living in Egypt, Marte is still overwhelmed by what she sees on a daily basis. In one of her updates on the PFK Facebook page, she tells us about a mother who gave birth to a daughter who was paralysed from the waist down, saying: “They have no money for a wheelchair, and there is no special school she can go to. So her life consists of dragging herself around on her arms on the concrete floor, in the dust with the family’s hens”.

Life for the animals isn’t very different. Before the political unrest, the majority of Egyptians living in the pyramid district of Cairo earned a living from taking tourists around the Giza Pyramids on their horses and camels. Using animals to earn money is the only resort that many people living in the city have, but with no tourists, there are very few who can care for themselves and their families, let alone their animals.

As a result of this decline in care, working animals in Cairo; horses, donkeys and camels commonly suffer from malnutrition, starvation, equine malaria, pressure sores (some larger than a human hand) caused by ill-fitting tack (saddles and bridles, etc.), and other lesions caused from falls, overcrowding with other animals, or mistreatment.

Owners simply do not have the knowledge or means to prevent illnesses like these happening. Some of the images and stories on the PFK Facebook page are very hard hitting, and it is very easy to judge the people of Cairo according to the standards of animal care we take for granted in the UK. However with the situation in Egypt being so extreme, and cultural norms entirely different to our own, these people do not need punishment, but rather help, understanding, and education.

This is why the work of PFK is so important. With their success over the years, PFK now owns a significant plot of land, nicknamed ‘Fluffylandshire’, where the animals can enjoy free food, water, space, shade, sand and company. Flocks of local horse owners come to take part in the regular clinics that PFK provide, receiving free medical treatment for their animals and advice on how to care for them. Not only do the PFK team treat any horse, donkey or camel that arrives at their gates, they also foster and adopt those who are really in need, providing care of a standard that not many others can provide in such troubled times. As both space and (more surprisingly) sand are a luxury in Cairo, with most owners only be able to provide a small enclosed concrete yard, some animals even come for a special and well deserved PFK ‘holiday’, where they rest until they’re ready to go back to work. Fluffylandshire is truly a place of kindness, understanding (for both animals and their owners), and healing.

PFK also organises projects which aim to provide information on animal welfare directly to local people. During ‘The Fluffy Feet Farrier Project’ Australian vet Dr. Jude Mulholland visited to teach local farriers about common equine foot problems and how to treat them. Likewise, ‘The Fluffy Tooth Fairy Project’ helps pass on information about treating common equine dental issues. Projects like these are incredibly important in Cairo, because without them, incorrect or inefficient methods of treatment will be used again and again, often to no avail.

Of course, looking after a large number of sick animals in a desperate city is expensive. PFK is only able to stay afloat with the help of donations and the hard work of its dedicated international staff. In the past two years the organisation has moved from having supporters in their hundreds, to 60,000 likes on Facebook. Their daily updates, along with thousands of fascinating photographs of their work and the animals they provide for can be found on their Facebook page, and are very informative and entertaining. So if you ever need a break from studying… or reading about Exeter’s Horniest Student, visit http://www.facebook.com/princefluffykareem for a glimpse into a different world and the hope that it brings for Egypt’s animals.

Danielle McIntosh

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Are the British public bored of the Arab Spring?

Amidst the furore surrounding Oscar Pistorius’ murder charge, the horse meat scandal and the Eastleigh byelection, it is easy to forget that a humanitarian crisis in Syria is continuing, argues Harrison Jones.

The Prince of Wales meeting Syrian refugees this week. But are the public fed up with hearing about Syria? Picture credits: The British Monarchy

The modern press is unforgiving in its priorities, with the deaths of around 60 people in Damascus last month going virtually unnoticed. Indeed, it seems as if the British public are simply bored of the Arab Spring, now taking a rather blasé attitude towards the civil war raging in a faraway nation.

Of course, there are various crises in a multitude of countries worldwide, but after the recent conviction of potential UK suicide bombers and concern over the terrorist threat from Mali, media coverage of Syria is striking in it’s sparsity.

Whilst becoming slightly bored of the countless Harlem Shake videos invading screens nationwide, the public remained virtually oblivious to the numerous deaths and injuries only a few thousand miles away. It all seemed a mere after-thought on the news channels, immune as we all appear to now be to such reports, after 23 relentless months of violence.

But the desperate situation in Syria shows no sign of abating. An estimated 70,000 people have already died and around 2.5 million have fled their homes, with food supplies remaining drastically low. Despite the worst of the winter now being over, the Syrian people have very little shelter, hindered by daily destruction of infrastructure – partly the fault of the Russian government continuing to arm the Assad regime.

The Domiz Refugee Camp in Iraqi Kurdistan which is currently housing 50,000 Syrian refugees. Around 2.5 million have fled their homes and 70, 000 estimated dead. Picture credits: MAG (Mines Advisory Group)

After Kofi Annan’s rather futile ‘plan’ predictably failed to stop Assad – and the rebels – from committing numerous atrocities, no coherent alternative has since been implemented.

The UN appears no closer to solving the issue, as the similarities with its failed predecessor, The League of Nations, become increasingly apparent. It too failed to deal with numerous issues amidst an economic downturn on a similar scale to the current one. And their international priorities, certainly from a European perspective, were apparently not with the plight of war-torn populations, but with their own world standing.

To add to the current international body’s mishandling of the situation, it all seems to be a contradiction in principles. Only last year, Britain, France, Germany, Italy and others were all taking part in military action in Libya. The circumstances are remarkably similar, except that the Syrians have a far bigger army. Oh, and far less oil.

Yet the media appears to have become hushed over the whole affair. It is understandable, because the public will inevitably become tired of repetitive stories and eventually not buy, read or view them. Nonetheless surely it is the press’ job to highlight major crises, no matter how tedious the coverage may become. Clearly it is not as simple as writing an article and watching it become policy; but more debate in the media might increase the chances of finding a viable solution.

It seems particularly surprising that government inconsistency has not been more widely probed. If the principle is there: that intervention is acceptable, then help probably ought to be given to the rebels, if only for consistency’s sake. Without such a solution – of whatever nature – countless more people are going to die in Syria and across the Middle East.

Alethea Osborne: turbulence in Tunisia

 

Once considered the ‘success story’ of the Arab Spring, Tunisia’s political divides are becoming more apparent. Picture credits: tarckan

In her latest column, Exeposé Online’s international news commentator Alethea Osborne turns her analytical eye onto Tunisia’s current situation of unrest.

The recent crisis in Tunisia has heavily shaken the illusion of Tunisia as a poster child of the Arab Spring. While Syria has become known for civil war and bloodshed, Egypt for ongoing protests and violence, Tunisia has been considered as the best success story. Tunisia has slowly moved from dictatorship to democracy and for the first time in decades freedom of speech is the norm. However, the murder of opposition leader, Chokri Belaid, has brought the underlying tensions between secularists and islamists to the surface and clearly displayed the growing divides between Tunisia’s political parties. Politicians have been struggling to find common ground across the wide political gap which has made forming a new government so difficult. Tunisians have said that they dislike being considered as the success story of the Arab Spring as it has lessened the amount of international attention and support they have received. The recent developments will inevitably change this as the, undoubtably politically motivated, murder will have its desired affect of creating further chaos and factionalism.

Chokri Belaid, a human rights lawyer and activist, was at the forefront of the protests in December 2010, which grew to become the uprising that toppled the Tunisian government in January 2011. He was shot at point blank range outside his home on Wednesday, February 6th, and later died in hospital. Belaid had previously been very critical of Tunisia’s leadership, particularly the dominant Ennahda leadership. As the leader of the opposition secularist alliance, The Popular Front, his assassination has sparked a fresh round of protests in the major cities of Tunisia including protestors calling for a ‘fresh revolution’. The killing has heightened the tensions within a slow burning political crisis in Tunisia; the battle for power amongst secularists and islamists.

No one has yet taken responsibility for Belaid’s murder though many, including his wife, are blaming the Ennahda leadership and the interior ministry. While it is unlikely that they are directly responsible, a more developed argument might suggest that they took little notice of the various death threats against him and offer little security to secular opposition groups from armed Islamists. However, the charismatic co-founder of Ennahda and the movement’s ‘intellectual leader’, Rashid al-Ghannushi, has said that Ennahda, “strongly condemn this act and consider the perpetrators as enemies of the country, of democracy and of Islam”. Yet, amongst members of the opposition many blame Ghannushi and his moderately Islamic Ennahda party for the assassination, believing that they encourage violence and terrorism.

The assassination of opposition leader Chokri Belaid last week has brought underlying tensions to a head. Picture credits: Pan-African News Wire File Photos

In protest to the killing four opposition groups, including the Popular Front, have declared that they are now pulling out of the constitutionalist assembly, which has been attempting to write the new constitution. They have said it is a temporary situation but if the government does not step down then the MPs will leave the government.

More dramatically, the largest trade union announced a national strike for Friday, February 8th, which was the first such strike declared since 1978. The strike was organised for the same day as Belaid’s funeral and as many as a million Tunisians took to the streets in protests over his death and the current political situation. There were acts of violence reported within the capitol, Tunis, and rising tension on the streets, but considering the numbers present it was a predominantly peaceful demonstration. There are worries though that counter demonstrations by pro-government groups may lead to further violence.

The Prime Minister, Hamadi Jebali, has tried to diffuse the crisis by saying that he intends to form a technocratic government of national unity to run the government until fresh elections. Controversy ensued when senior members of the Ennahda party rejected the plan and Abdelhamid Jelassi, Ennahda’s vice-president, said that “the prime minister did not ask the opinion of his party, we in Ennahda believe Tunisia needs a political government now. We will continue discussions with other parties about forming a coalition government.” This further dissent amongst the political leadership has led many to speculate that Jebali may leave Ennahda and found his own party.

Chokri Belaid’s death has shone a spotlight on the incredibly precarious political situation in Tunisia and made many aware of the potentially dangerous and stagnant progress of the Arab Spring’s golden child. A damaged economy, rising unemployment, lack of tourists and breakdown in law have all contributed to frustration with the new leadership, which is struggling to unite differing revolutionary ideologies. The latest assassination is likely to simply add to the difficulties.

 

Life as an Egyptian

Alasdair Wood reflects on Egypt two years after its revolution and looks at where the country is now.

Two years after the revolution that overthrew the Mubarak regime, Egypt is more divided than ever, or so all the media tells us. People were divided on the new constitution, but the predicted bloodbath or civil conflict never took place. On the constitution there was a clear divide between Islamists (including the Muslim Brotherhood and hardline Salafists) in favour of the constitution, and liberals, secularists and Christians against. However, many others were also not satisfied with the constitution, but voted in favour purely in the hope of bringing back stability. Politics is increasingly polarised, with President Morsi becoming a character that you either passionately love or hate.

The people who hate Morsi the most are Egypt’s Christian minority who make up about five-ten per cent of the population. They loathe him with a passion, with one Christian friend telling me she hates Morsi more than Mubarak. Seemingly it only takes a few years to forget Mubarak’s horrific decision to wipe out all pigs in Egypt, in response to the swine flu epidemic (despite the fact swine flu was spread by humans). This decision devastated the lives of many poor Christians in Egypt. The fact is the Brotherhood as of yet have done nothing to threaten the Christians, and have spent most of their efforts on trying to reassure them, with many Christians continuing comfortable lives, as they make up a large percentage of the middle classes.

Photo credits to S.A.A.D. photography

One reason for the protests against the constitution not getting out of control may be that the constitution wasn’t the evil Islamic masterpiece, our media suggest. The article of Sharia, is crucially no different to under Mubarak and states the law “is made on the principles of Sharia”, but adds an article that the Al-Azhar Mosque (the highest Islamic authority in the country) should be consulted on matters of Sharia law. However, it crucially states that Christians and Jews should be subject to personal and religious laws of their own and not of Sharia. For example Christians could not be subject to any laws about dress, alcohol or marriage.

Of course, all is not well for the Christian minority. Women face extra hassle for not wearing the Hijaab, there have been isolated cases of Christians being accused of blasphemy, and the most shocking cases against the Christians are of being forced to convert to Islam, including girls being kidnapped and forced into marriage. However, the vast majority of Muslims are moderate. A case of a Salafist warning people not to wish their Christian neighbours a “Happy Christmas” may have made headlines across the world, but was widely ignored by ordinary Egyptians. My Muslim neighbours presented me with a Christmas present, the Grand Mufti (leading cleric in country) met the Coptic Pope to wish him Christmas greetings, and some street cleaners gave me and some Egyptian friends the biggest smile and “Happy Christmas” on leaving a church on Christmas Day. In a religious society, I’m often asked about my religion, and on hearing I’m a Christian, Muslims will respond, “We are all brothers”. While graffiti across Cairo also shows the Egyptian flag altered, with a Christian flag and Islamic Crescent placed together. Islam and Christianity have coexisted here for the most part ever since the Arab Invasion in 641, which is something quite shocking coming from a country that has history drenched in the blood of religious intolerance.

The real problem of the constitution is its lack of ambition. The worst aspect of all is its failure to have an article setting out gender equality. Roles of women and men are completely different here, and women are widely expected to stay at home to cook and clean, especially if they are married. All young women in Egypt suffer from sexual harassment on the streets, whether covered or uncovered. One Egyptian friend told me that when she takes a microbus she puts her bag on one seat and pays for two seats, because she, “had bad experiences of old men on microbuses.” It’s all rather sickening, but Egyptian women know how to stand up for themselves. On facing harassment they will most often scream, shout and lash out at the perpetrator. In Egypt, people won’t walk on by when seeing this but will intervene to try and deal with the situation.

Photo credits to sierragoddess

Despite these problems I feel optimistic about Egypt. The revolutionary spirit is still very much alive here. Under the Mubarak regime people didn’t talk about politics, but today the streets, markets, coffee houses, and public transport are alive with people actively debating politics with each other. Egyptians love to argue, but contrary to popular opinion they don’t always resort to violence. In fact, the political atmosphere is generally mature. Politics may seem polarised but when you see businesses happily displaying posters showing their alignment, it’s evident that people are tolerant enough to accept each other’s political differences. I can’t imagine any businesses in the south eastern rural heartlands that would risk displaying a Labour poster, or a business in the North of England risking the display of a Conservative party poster. There are isolated cases of political violence in Egypt and our media all too often forget the wider picture.

This negative picture has helped to cripple Egypt’s tourism, particularly in Luxor, Aswan and Cairo, throwing Egypt into a deeper economic crisis, in which the Egyptian Pound is now tumbling and Egypt is left to go begging to the IMF. It’s certainly a difficult time, and could prove to be a disaster for the ruling Brotherhood as the poor (the Brotherhood’s biggest support base) will suffer the most, while the opposition have become increasingly organised and united since the protests against the new constitution. Egypt has a difficult road ahead, but the taste of freedom people felt in Tahrir in 2011 and people’s continual tolerance and political maturity means there is now no going back.