Egypt: What's occurring?

In her first column of the term, Thea Osborne looks at the current situation in Egypt for Exeposé Features.

Cairo protests
Image credits: Gigi Ibrahim

It has been particularly difficult to ascertain a clear understanding of the situation in Egypt since the overthrow of Mubarak in 2011. The old regime, secularists, Islamists, military and international powers have all tried to place their stamp on Egypt’s future resulting in chaos, dissatisfaction and further splintering within all sides. Furthermore, it appears to have become even more confusing since the overthrow of the democratically elected Muhammad Morsi in July last year after his brief 13-month rule. It is estimated that over 1,000 people have died since Morsi’s overthrow and many, particularly those in the Muslim Brotherhood to which Morsi belonged, have claimed that his overthrow was a coup against the democratically elected leader and that there have been systematic attacks on the Brotherhood ever since, including branding them as a terrorist organisation. It is the role of the army which seems the least transparent and yet most constantly powerfully part of Egypt’s post-revolution history and the recent constitutional referendum seems to be the latest twist in reinforcing their power.

To many the latest constitutional referendum is seen far more as a vote as to whether Morsi’s overthrow and the power of the military has been approved, then anything relating to the text that it contains. It was announced on Saturday that 98 per cent of participants voted ‘yes’ to the new constitution This could potentially have the power to pave the way for new elections and provide a legitimacy to the military’s handling of the state since helping to topple Morsi last summer. However, there are large criticisms of the campaign, particularly the government’s arrests of ‘no’ campaigners along with the voting turnout of 38.6 per cent despite the government having desperately urged people to vote as part of their ‘patriotic duty’. The turnout is not as low as that for the constitution voted for under Morsi’s rule but still indicates that much of the population does not have confidence in the current political system and as a result is either boycotting or feeling apathetic towards the vote. There were geographical divides between north and south in voter turnout; the more traditionally Islamic south appears to have primarily boycotted the vote as a protest against the crackdown on Islamism and Morsi’s overthrow.

The constitution generally strengthens the military, the police and the judiciary; key points include: the president can serve only two four-year terms, the defence minister must be chosen by the military, Islam is the state religion but freedom of belief is “absolute”, the state guarantees equality between genders and no political party can be based on “religion, race, gender or geography”, protests are still subject to strict laws and civilians can still be tried by a military criminal court. Despite certain liberal appearances the constitution has many critics within liberal groups, such as the 6 April Movement who were very involved in the ousting of Mubarak and who consider it as a return to the days of military leadership under Mubarak and simply a legitimisation of the powerful and unquestioned position of the army’s power. The Muslim Brotherhood is also understandably critical of the constitution particularly as its rules concerning the role of religion within political parties destroy its legality.

Parliamentary and presidential elections are now due to take place within the next few months and there seems little doubt that General Al-Sisi who orchestrated the coup against Morsi will run for president. If successful, once again a military strongman will be in charge of Egypt and there will be little room left for doubt as to the power of the military within Egyptian politics. The authorities have insisted that the country is on the road to democracy, others though are predicting mass revolt and another revolution. Whatever the case it is unquestionable that the military has an unrivalled position that they are very unwilling to jeopardise and many direly predict that oppression, censorship and violence are already and will continue to be used.

Thea Osborne, Features Columnist

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Cairo Kindness

Image credits: Prince Fluffy Kareem

When it comes to Cairo, the eyes of the world are usually drawn to the ongoing struggle between the military and the Muslim Brotherhood in the aftermath of last year’s Arab Spring revolutions. But, as Danielle McIntosh examines, too often there is an unseen side to such conflicts, and animals can be victims just as much as humans.

With the amount of international coverage that Cairo has attracted recently, a growing organisation that aims to heal Cairo’s horses, donkeys and camels and educate their owners might just give you a new perspective on the people of this divided city.

The organisation is called ‘Prince Fluffy Kareem’, or PFK for short, named after a cheeky grey stallion they rescued in June 2011. Kareem was found in an emaciated, dehydrated state, suffering from equine malaria and with sores all over his body. The transformation that took place under the care of PFK is quite unbelievable and Kareem is now happy, healthy, and living in luxury – relative to most of the animals in Cairo.

The story of Kareem is not an isolated one. In fact, almost all the horses, donkeys, and camels in Cairo live their entire lives in an undernourished state. This is in part due to the poor quality of life of people living in Cairo, but alongside this is the lack of education about proper animal care in Egypt.

Egypt’s economy relies heavily on tourism. Unfortunately, with the revolution which took place between January and February 2011 and the military toppling of President Mohammad Morsi this summer, tourism has completely collapsed. Egypt’s people live in poverty, there is rioting and fear of further unrest, the education and health systems are incredibly poor, a huge percentage of women are circumcised, and some families are so poor they have to sell their daughters’ virginity to rich Saudi Arabians. People have been looting the pyramids, Egypt’s biggest tourist attractions, out of utter desperation, even though they know the implications this will have for future generations. Marte, a founder of PFK writes on the organisations Facebook page: “This is not the Western world. When you are born poor here, you have minimal, minimal chances of raising your living standards… [This is] a society where children dig in trash for a living, we cannot expect people to have awareness for animal rights; the people don’t even have basic human rights.”

Image credits: Prince Fluffy Kareem

Marte, who was born and lived in Norway, now dedicates each day to helping Egyptian animals and their owners to have healthier, easier lives. She and Sherif, a vet, run the PFK stables together with the help of a handful of other skilled and dedicated people from around the globe. Even after three years of living in Egypt, Marte is still overwhelmed by what she sees on a daily basis. In one of her updates on the PFK Facebook page, she tells us about a mother who gave birth to a daughter who was paralysed from the waist down, saying: “They have no money for a wheelchair, and there is no special school she can go to. So her life consists of dragging herself around on her arms on the concrete floor, in the dust with the family’s hens”.

Life for the animals isn’t very different. Before the political unrest, the majority of Egyptians living in the pyramid district of Cairo earned a living from taking tourists around the Giza Pyramids on their horses and camels. Using animals to earn money is the only resort that many people living in the city have, but with no tourists, there are very few who can care for themselves and their families, let alone their animals.

As a result of this decline in care, working animals in Cairo; horses, donkeys and camels commonly suffer from malnutrition, starvation, equine malaria, pressure sores (some larger than a human hand) caused by ill-fitting tack (saddles and bridles, etc.), and other lesions caused from falls, overcrowding with other animals, or mistreatment.

Owners simply do not have the knowledge or means to prevent illnesses like these happening. Some of the images and stories on the PFK Facebook page are very hard hitting, and it is very easy to judge the people of Cairo according to the standards of animal care we take for granted in the UK. However with the situation in Egypt being so extreme, and cultural norms entirely different to our own, these people do not need punishment, but rather help, understanding, and education.

This is why the work of PFK is so important. With their success over the years, PFK now owns a significant plot of land, nicknamed ‘Fluffylandshire’, where the animals can enjoy free food, water, space, shade, sand and company. Flocks of local horse owners come to take part in the regular clinics that PFK provide, receiving free medical treatment for their animals and advice on how to care for them. Not only do the PFK team treat any horse, donkey or camel that arrives at their gates, they also foster and adopt those who are really in need, providing care of a standard that not many others can provide in such troubled times. As both space and (more surprisingly) sand are a luxury in Cairo, with most owners only be able to provide a small enclosed concrete yard, some animals even come for a special and well deserved PFK ‘holiday’, where they rest until they’re ready to go back to work. Fluffylandshire is truly a place of kindness, understanding (for both animals and their owners), and healing.

PFK also organises projects which aim to provide information on animal welfare directly to local people. During ‘The Fluffy Feet Farrier Project’ Australian vet Dr. Jude Mulholland visited to teach local farriers about common equine foot problems and how to treat them. Likewise, ‘The Fluffy Tooth Fairy Project’ helps pass on information about treating common equine dental issues. Projects like these are incredibly important in Cairo, because without them, incorrect or inefficient methods of treatment will be used again and again, often to no avail.

Of course, looking after a large number of sick animals in a desperate city is expensive. PFK is only able to stay afloat with the help of donations and the hard work of its dedicated international staff. In the past two years the organisation has moved from having supporters in their hundreds, to 60,000 likes on Facebook. Their daily updates, along with thousands of fascinating photographs of their work and the animals they provide for can be found on their Facebook page, and are very informative and entertaining. So if you ever need a break from studying… or reading about Exeter’s Horniest Student, visit http://www.facebook.com/princefluffykareem for a glimpse into a different world and the hope that it brings for Egypt’s animals.

Danielle McIntosh

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The Tribulations of Gaza

Image credits: gnuckx

In her latest column for Exeposé Features, Thea Osborne investigates the situation betweeen Egypt and the Gaza Strip.

There has been much coverage of the confusion and chaos in Egypt since the overthrow of Mohamed Morsi in July and the ongoing brutal crackdown on the Muslim Brotherhood and its members within Egypt. It is unquestionable that the recent changes in Egypt have reverberated around the region and will continue to do so for the foreseeable future. A further issue that has not been so widely noticed, however, is the impact of this regime change on the people living inside Hamas-controlled Gaza. Despite strong claims by the Gaza Strip’s Hamas Prime Minister, Ismail Haniyeh, that the only focus for Hamas is the Palestinian territories and ‘the Zionist enemy’, the new military regime within Egypt seems determined to punish the population of the Gaza Strip for their previous links with the Muslim Brotherhood. This is causing the destruction of vital lifelines between Gaza and Egypt which provide fuel, food and hope; the blocking or destruction of some 800 tunnels linking Gaza and Egypt’s Sinai Peninsula.

Understandably the new Egyptian regime is trying to assert itself and gain control of the anarchic Sinai Peninsula and limit the power of potential Muslim Brotherhood sympathisers in neighbouring Gaza. In many ways it has been impressively successful. On the ground this means that, six years after Israel imposed a strategic blockade on Gaza as a result of Hamas’ success in elections, the people of Gaza are now being choked from all sides. The effect the new regime has had on tunnel activity has been huge; it is thought that activity may be down somewhere between 80 to 90 per cent and that over 2000 people previously involved in working in the tunnels have lost jobs. Yet, this is only a small indication of the impact of the tunnel closures on the larger economy of Gaza.

The entirety of the Gazan economy and infrastructure has been impacted. Without the supply of cheap Egyptian fuel, power cuts in Gaza are now averaging eight hours a day. The only fuel now available is from Israel, which is not only scarce but double the price. Basic food stuffs have increased in cost and even with the recent Eid celebrations many markets and traders have been struggling. Despite a relative boom in the construction industry of Gaza in previous years, building projects have now ground to a standstill because of the tunnel closures and the resulting lack of concrete, gravel and iron. Israel slightly eased its restrictions in light of the crisis but, at the discovery of a new tunnel between Israel and Gaza on Sunday, they had suspended all construction supplies. At least a quarter of a million jobs have been lost across all sectors: construction, services, transport and storage, manufacturing and agriculture taking the biggest hits.

Image credits: Physicians for Human Rights

Gaza is considered by many as the largest open air prison in the world; 1.7 million people contained within an area approximately six by twenty-five miles big. With a 3.2 per cent birth rate, the sixth highest in the world, the problem of overcrowding and lack of resources is only getting worse. Every level of daily life is controlled and limited; freedom of trade and movement is almost non-existent. The recent closures of the tunnels between Gaza and Egypt will only exacerbate an already truly desperate situation and provide an extreme challenge to Hamas to continue to govern under such circumstances.

Thea Osborne, Features Columnist

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The Aid Epidemic

Image credits: frontierofficial

With his sister recently returned from Kenya, Liam Taylor asks if our good intentions actually do more harm to fragile nations around the world.

Where is Bongo Bongo Land? I hadn’t come across the phrase until I saw it plastered across the headlines after the controversial MEP Godfrey Bloom used it in his speech/rant (delete as appropriate) on foreign aid. The use of the phrase sparked controversy apparently everywhere bar his constituency, and led to a situation, then exacerbated by his stubborn defence of his remarks on the BBC, which culminated in an offer to personally apologise to the ambassador of Bongo Bongo Land himself (who unfortunately could not be reached for comment).

I guess he was unable to use the excuse that he was merely referring to the late President Bongo of Gabon, as a former Tory MP claimed when he used the phrase the last time it caused controversy, and figured that was next best option. I leave it up to you dear reader to decide whether the comments were racist or not. This article is concerned with the heart of the issue, not the semantics.

Not long after the media flurry surrounding the controversy died down my sister returned home after a summer of charity work in Kenya, a country I suspect some would consider a province of Bongo Bongo Land. The problems that the media back home deems worthy of making a fuss about, the occasional daft utterance from a politician seemed rather trivial to her, at least compared to the real problems faced in the less fortunate parts of the world. It is no secret that Kenya is by no means a rich country, to put it mildly. It receives over two billion dollars each year in foreign aid and is the second largest recipient of US aid to Africa, behind only Egypt. Like many countries in the region it has also been plagued with corruption.

Kenya can seem like two completely different lands. The westernised boarding school in Nairobi that my sister stayed at on her first night could be indistinguishable from anywhere in England save for the rather nicer weather. Yet other parts conform more to the stereotype of popular culture. A land of mud huts and endless savannah, where basic necessities like running water are luxuries and old plastic bottles are considered a sturdy construction material. In Nairobi itself this difference is perhaps even more glaring, where modern skyscrapers and office blocks stand side by side with hastily built shacks made from salvaged scrap. Indeed that kind of contrast is far from uncommon in the region. When I was in South Africa a few years ago (for the much less noble reason of a holiday) there was a stark difference between the westernised tourist areas and the slums on the outskirts of the city.

 

In a way it helps to put things in perspective. It’s easy to forget how good we have it in the grand scheme of things, how protestors in New York or outside St. Paul’s are part of the wealthiest one per cent in the world and how even the poorest in this country are comfortably in the top ten per cent. Many of the villages rely on subsistence farming, lacking the convenience of modern technology they rely on their own back breaking labour. In one village that my sister spent time helping in, a single mother of five had to single-handedly toil on a maize field all day just to grow enough food to survive. Yet even donations of modern equipment do little help; a tractor is of little use without the parts or know-how to fix it when it breaks, or even how to use it in the first place. Indeed the most advanced piece of technology my sister came across out there was an old toaster. Growth away from subsistence is not done any favours by the western world’s insistent protection of its own farmers from foreign goods.

Image credits: eGuide Travel

When my sister first told me she was going off to do charity work in Kenya a couple of thoughts crossed my mind. The first was the most obvious, that this was a really good thing to do. But I have to admit there was also a cynical part of my brain that thought “how much help can you really be? After all, what do you know about digging wells or building schools? The closest you’ve come to hard labour is helping our parents with the gardening. Surely it would be better to send them the money you’re going to spend on flying out and living there?” While it sounds bad there was some logic behind this thought. After all it is a common problem after natural disasters that lots of well-intentioned volunteers show up unprepared and without any training. The result being that actual charity workers have to waste time babysitting them, instead of helping the victims, and waste precious resources feeding them and patching them up when they hurt themselves.  There was also an element of concern that she might get eaten by a lion when she tries to pet one. Although I’m glad to say that the cynical side of me was wrong.

Empathy, the desire to help others less fortunate than ourselves, is of course very commendable and it is one that nearly every person has no matter their beliefs or where they lie on the political spectrum, if anywhere at all. Of course not everyone can go out to Africa and physically help, so this empathy manifests itself in other ways such as charitable giving. But sometimes that cynical part of us raises its head, “what good can my tenner a month do?” So that same feeling of empathy makes us demand that more be done, that government fixes it. We rely on the ‘wisdom’ of the bureaucrat in Whitehall rather than the experience of the volunteer on the ground. It feels good to be absolved of responsibility, we did our part and if it’s not working it’s not our fault, it’s the government’s fault. It’s the government that isn’t doing enough, isn’t giving enough and can never give enough.

Remember earlier when I talked about the vast divergence between the richest and poorest parts of Kenya? Just why is there the gap? Is it an inevitable part of development? Is it because there still is not enough aid? If so, how is it that Asia has managed to lift millions out of poverty without a penny of aid? $2 billion can a build a lot of schools and hospitals, yet they are conspicuously absent. Perhaps you also remember the rampant corruption I mentioned. Well put the two together and perhaps you start to realise how it’s possible that after decades of receiving billions in aid the average Kenyan hasn’t become any better off. Kenyan corruption may be bad, but it is small comfort that it is not as bad as other parts of Africa. Indeed one prominent Zambian economist argues strongly that the corruption is so bad that the corruption (amongst other things) actually makes aid harmful to African countries. It may be possible that handing over large sums of money no questions asked can create the conditions that fuel corruption, sort of like the way vast natural resources can become a curse for poor countries.

All the arguments for greater aid have at their heart the best of intentions, just like the well intentioned clothing drive that has a minor side effect of putting the indigenous clothing and textile industry out of business and inadvertently costing lots of jobs. There is an old saying that the road to hell is paved with good intentions. So perhaps it’s time to rethink our approach to help those that need it most. To stop focusing on intentions and start looking at results.

Liam Taylor

 

Life as an Egyptian

Alasdair Wood reflects on Egypt two years after its revolution and looks at where the country is now.

Two years after the revolution that overthrew the Mubarak regime, Egypt is more divided than ever, or so all the media tells us. People were divided on the new constitution, but the predicted bloodbath or civil conflict never took place. On the constitution there was a clear divide between Islamists (including the Muslim Brotherhood and hardline Salafists) in favour of the constitution, and liberals, secularists and Christians against. However, many others were also not satisfied with the constitution, but voted in favour purely in the hope of bringing back stability. Politics is increasingly polarised, with President Morsi becoming a character that you either passionately love or hate.

The people who hate Morsi the most are Egypt’s Christian minority who make up about five-ten per cent of the population. They loathe him with a passion, with one Christian friend telling me she hates Morsi more than Mubarak. Seemingly it only takes a few years to forget Mubarak’s horrific decision to wipe out all pigs in Egypt, in response to the swine flu epidemic (despite the fact swine flu was spread by humans). This decision devastated the lives of many poor Christians in Egypt. The fact is the Brotherhood as of yet have done nothing to threaten the Christians, and have spent most of their efforts on trying to reassure them, with many Christians continuing comfortable lives, as they make up a large percentage of the middle classes.

Photo credits to S.A.A.D. photography

One reason for the protests against the constitution not getting out of control may be that the constitution wasn’t the evil Islamic masterpiece, our media suggest. The article of Sharia, is crucially no different to under Mubarak and states the law “is made on the principles of Sharia”, but adds an article that the Al-Azhar Mosque (the highest Islamic authority in the country) should be consulted on matters of Sharia law. However, it crucially states that Christians and Jews should be subject to personal and religious laws of their own and not of Sharia. For example Christians could not be subject to any laws about dress, alcohol or marriage.

Of course, all is not well for the Christian minority. Women face extra hassle for not wearing the Hijaab, there have been isolated cases of Christians being accused of blasphemy, and the most shocking cases against the Christians are of being forced to convert to Islam, including girls being kidnapped and forced into marriage. However, the vast majority of Muslims are moderate. A case of a Salafist warning people not to wish their Christian neighbours a “Happy Christmas” may have made headlines across the world, but was widely ignored by ordinary Egyptians. My Muslim neighbours presented me with a Christmas present, the Grand Mufti (leading cleric in country) met the Coptic Pope to wish him Christmas greetings, and some street cleaners gave me and some Egyptian friends the biggest smile and “Happy Christmas” on leaving a church on Christmas Day. In a religious society, I’m often asked about my religion, and on hearing I’m a Christian, Muslims will respond, “We are all brothers”. While graffiti across Cairo also shows the Egyptian flag altered, with a Christian flag and Islamic Crescent placed together. Islam and Christianity have coexisted here for the most part ever since the Arab Invasion in 641, which is something quite shocking coming from a country that has history drenched in the blood of religious intolerance.

The real problem of the constitution is its lack of ambition. The worst aspect of all is its failure to have an article setting out gender equality. Roles of women and men are completely different here, and women are widely expected to stay at home to cook and clean, especially if they are married. All young women in Egypt suffer from sexual harassment on the streets, whether covered or uncovered. One Egyptian friend told me that when she takes a microbus she puts her bag on one seat and pays for two seats, because she, “had bad experiences of old men on microbuses.” It’s all rather sickening, but Egyptian women know how to stand up for themselves. On facing harassment they will most often scream, shout and lash out at the perpetrator. In Egypt, people won’t walk on by when seeing this but will intervene to try and deal with the situation.

Photo credits to sierragoddess

Despite these problems I feel optimistic about Egypt. The revolutionary spirit is still very much alive here. Under the Mubarak regime people didn’t talk about politics, but today the streets, markets, coffee houses, and public transport are alive with people actively debating politics with each other. Egyptians love to argue, but contrary to popular opinion they don’t always resort to violence. In fact, the political atmosphere is generally mature. Politics may seem polarised but when you see businesses happily displaying posters showing their alignment, it’s evident that people are tolerant enough to accept each other’s political differences. I can’t imagine any businesses in the south eastern rural heartlands that would risk displaying a Labour poster, or a business in the North of England risking the display of a Conservative party poster. There are isolated cases of political violence in Egypt and our media all too often forget the wider picture.

This negative picture has helped to cripple Egypt’s tourism, particularly in Luxor, Aswan and Cairo, throwing Egypt into a deeper economic crisis, in which the Egyptian Pound is now tumbling and Egypt is left to go begging to the IMF. It’s certainly a difficult time, and could prove to be a disaster for the ruling Brotherhood as the poor (the Brotherhood’s biggest support base) will suffer the most, while the opposition have become increasingly organised and united since the protests against the new constitution. Egypt has a difficult road ahead, but the taste of freedom people felt in Tahrir in 2011 and people’s continual tolerance and political maturity means there is now no going back.