What is… The European Union?

Better off in, better off out… the debate is endless, but public knowledge about this international organisation is not. Just what is the European Union?

the European Union Flag
Image credits: R/DV/RS

What we call today the European Union has existed in various forms since its creation. Currently, this political and economic partnership exists between twenty-eight countries which are, unsurprisingly, situated in Europe.

History

It all began after the Second World War, the idea being that countries which trade would be less likely to go to war with each other. By 1958, the European Economic Community (EEC) was established out of the 1951 European Coal and Steel Community between six initial countries – Belgium, Germany, Luxembourg, France, Italy and the Netherlands –freeing up the borders between them to allow better trade links.

We, the United Kingdom (in case you were not so sure), have always been a bunch of sceptics, refusing to make the “Inner Six” a “Seven” in the beginning, and then later joining in 1973 (with a bit of persuasion from the USA and the Suez Crisis). Shockingly, or perhaps not at all, our [poor] relationship with the French meant it would take three attempts at membership and Charles de Gaulle’s departure from the French presidency for them, fearing too much US involvement, to finally stop saying non and ruining our chances.

Now

The EEC became the European Union (EU) in November 1993 under the Maastricht Treaty, establishing what are known as its “Three Pillars”: the European Community – removing the word “Economic” to show the wider policy range it now covers; Common Foreign and Security Policy; and Police and Judicial Co-Operation in Criminal Matters.  Although the latter two Pillars are largely based on international co-operation between member states with representatives working together on relevant issues, the first Pillar contains the supra-national institutions – those who have authority over individual national governments – and all of their work.

To begin, the European Commission is responsible for proposing legislation, upholding the Treaties they establish and running the EU from day to day. Each member state sends a single representative, making a total of twenty-eight members. The President of the European Commission is elected from these twenty-eight by the European Parliament. Don’t confuse this with the President of the European Union (who is actually the head of the European Council), currently President van Rompuy of Belgium!

The European Council has no strict power to make laws, but it is a body of the heads of government of each member state and is responsible for “the general political directions and priorities” of the EU according to the Lisbon Treaty. It acts as a body to be the presidency of the Union, and the head of the Council is its representative.

European Parliament, Strasbourg
Image credits: Salim Shadid

The next institution is the European Parliament. If you have ever voted for a Member of the European Parliament as we are charged to do every five years (the next time being in 2014), this is where the 766 of them elected across the Union work. Depending on their political opinions, they join forces with politicians of similar views to create larger voting blocs such as the Greens or the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats. Its job is to debate and vote on legislation, although it can’t actually use its initiative to create it itself. It does, however, have the second largest electorate (or voting population) in the world after India, and the largest trans-national democratic electorate, with 376 million eligible voters at the last elections.

Despite its lack of initiative, it does share power over the budget with the Council, and has to hold the European Commission shares equal legislative and budgetary powers with the Council and, just to confuse you, has its own President – currently Martin Schulz.

Finally, there is the European High Court of Justice which is the highest court of the EU and based in Luxembourg. It is mainly responsible for making sure all EU law is applied fairly across the Union. Again, each member state sends one judge and so there are twenty-eight of them, although it’s uncommon for all of them to hear every single case.

The Euro

Coming fully into force in 2002, the euro is the currency of seventeen of the twenty-eight member states, also known as the eurozone. A better currency for trading purposes, as well as a sense of unity, the eurozone is estimated by the International Monetary Fund as the second largest economy in the world, and the euro is the most-traded currency after, of course, the US dollar. If you’re as strange as I am (and commiserations if you are), you may have noticed from your travels to the eurozone – perhaps Spain, France, Finland or Ireland – that each country has a different design on the back of coins initially introduced into that country. “RF” for “République Francaise” or the French Republic is stamped across the French euro coins, for example.

The euro has been the cause of much debate and controversy in the UK. You won’t need me to point out to you that we are still in possession of the Great British Pound Sterling for currency, but there has been past discussion amongst British politicians about abandoning it for the euro. Whilst the Maastricht Treaty establishing the EU compelled most member states to swap their pesetas, francs and deutschmarks (among many others) for the euro, Denmark and Britain both notably negotiated exceptions.

New Labour, elected to power in 1997, was cautiously optimistic about joining, dependent upon our passing five particular economic tests first although it was a relatively minor issue in the end, despite William Hague’s decision to run his 2001 election campaign based, bizarrely, almost entirely on keeping the pound. Of course, since the economic crisis and the euro descending into madness, any British subscription to the euro now seems unlikely.

So where should you stand on the EU?

Paying any significant attention to the news and current affairs will make you very much aware of strongly-held and strongly-fought opinions about the Union. Indeed, we have a whole political party dedicated to the cause: the United Kingdom Independence Party, or UKIP.

If you have made it this far through the article, you will perhaps have noted one of the major, particularly British, complaints about the European Union: the bureaucracy is an apparent nightmare. The idea of creating institutions each with their own responsibilities might have seemed wondrous, but instead there are a thousand and one different jobs to do by different people and a fair few “Presidents” and “High Commissioners” to go with it.

Many of said leaders are unelected which is cause for concern for those who are worried that the EU is too close turning into a supra-nation, and generally speaking, election turnout is close to pathetic – so those who debate our laws are not really accountable at all; in the last election, 43 per cent of all European voters cast their ballot.

The one nation problem is another worry in itself. People are not keen to lose their national identities which have been so well forged across the centuries, and many have nothing like a “European” identity. Particularly in Britain, our island mentality restricts us from being too keen to get too involved, and makes us angry when statistics are thrown around about how many of our laws are passed down from the European Parliament.

Eurosceptic politicians shout very loudly however, and those who are pro-EU keep their mouths closed far too much in comparison.

In an increasingly globalised world, it is silly to isolate ourselves from co-operation and partnership. Granted, prosecuting shopkeepers who price goods in pounds and ounces and not grams and kilograms is rather a ridiculous preoccupation for the European Union and anger over it is understandable, as is trying to tell us that Cadbury’s is not real chocolate (come on!!). But without the EU, travelling between mainland European countries would not be as easy as it is – the Schengen Agreement stops you from having to pull out your passport and go through customs and immigration checks every time you cross a border; trade would be restricted; police investigations would be more difficult across borders.

Image credits: Francisco Antunes

Nor could you just go and get a job in an EU country like you can now (provided there are any). Having spent a year living and working in France, without the EU I would have had a much more difficult time trying to set up my residency status and getting healthcare coverage than I did, and would have wasted my time on that rather than learning a new culture and language (and eating cheese – to perpetuate a stereotype).

All in all, the European Union is not about infringing national sovereignty and imposing petty laws on people. Or it ought not to be. It ought to be about co-operation and achieving bigger goals. Politicians argue that we have too many immigrants now – conveniently forgetting or simply not mentioning our chances to go and experience these other countries – and that the EU it costs too much and we aren’t getting the benefit from it back in the UK and if that is true then it is because we are not making the most of our involvement and reaping the benefit we could have whilst we dither on the edge.

Closing borders simply turns us into bigger xenophobes than we already are.

And if none of this convinces you, well then I suppose it has allowed us to hear a fair few stupid quotes…

Top Eight Quotes from European Politicians

1. “Sod off, you prick.” – Nicolas Sarkozy to journalist
2. “[Mr Obama is] young, handsome and suntanned.” – Silvio Berlusconi
3.  Bonus: “Ah, Barack Obama. You won’t believe it, but the two of them sunbathe together, because the wife is also tanned.”) – Silvio Berlusconi
4. “You have all the charisma of a damp rag and the appearance of a low-grade bank clerk and the question that I want to ask, that we all want to ask, is ‘Who are you?’” – UKIP’s Nigel Farage to the President of the European Council
5.  “You have lost a good opportunity to shut up.” – Nicolas Sarkozy to David Cameron
6.  “She says she’s on a diet and then helps herself to a second helping of cheese.” – Nicolas Sarkozy about Angela Merkel
7. “China is a big country, inhabited by many Chinese.” – Charles de Gaulle
8. “In Italy, I am almost seen as German for my workaholism. Also I am from Milan, the city where people work the hardest. Work, work, work – I am almost German.” – Silvio Berlusconi (perhaps I ought not have spoken about stereotypes)

Imogen Watson, Online Features Editor

The UKIP effect – the aftermath

William Cafferky discusses UKIP’s current political position, and where it could lead.

UKIP has risen from the ashes of European economic collapse – emerging as an increasingly formidable party political force in the UK. The slump of the single currency, and increased scrutiny of political decision makers in Brussels may provide obvious rationale behind the growth of anti-European parties both in a domestic and foreign capacity throughout the EU. However, national issues, rather than the struggles of the EU, perhaps best explain UKIP’s success.

Image credit: Jennifer Jane Mills

UKIP is anti-systemic, and it is within this role that it maybe garners most of its support. Since the controversy of the Thatcher era, the Conservatives have preached a message of compassion and pragmatism. It epitomized the evolution of UK party politics from grass-roots polarized ideologies towards centrist pragmatism.

Under John Major, and now under Cameron, the Conservative party finds itself divided. Some feel that the party has strayed too far from its right-wing heritage, increasingly becoming merely a cog in the political machine. UKIP has presented apathetic Tory voters with an opportunity to jump ship. Their hardline anti-immigration policies, socially conservative and nationalist policies embody Thatcherite politics.

It was arguably merely a matter of time until the squeezed middle of party politics produced an extremist ideological party. UKIP itself hasn’t really had to fight too hard for electoral success. Nonetheless, the party faces a defining moment in its political history come the 2015 general election. Should Farage climb eagerly in to bed with Cameron in a new coalition, he runs the risk of his party fading into the back benches.

Conversely, should UKIP shy away from coalition, there’s a high chance their populist bubble could burst, and the party could fade into the background. Whilst the country may be divided over its European membership, as previously mentioned, this isn’t in fact the defining component of UKIP’s success.

What sets UKIP apart from the 3 main parties is decisiveness. Whilst their goals are questionable there is no denying their existence. Whilst Milliband, Cameron and Clegg find themselves in a perpetual u-turn on significant policy issues, UKIP is defiantly anti-state, anti-EU, anti-immigration and anti-tax.

Ultimately the growth of UKIP is a worrying sight for Labour and Socialists alike. Comparisons between UKIP and the BNP are perhaps exaggerated, however the reality is almost equally harrowing. Parties such as UKIP perpetuate the myth that immigration is the greatest villain in the war on unemployment. Furthermore, whilst many have bemoaned the coalitions attack on the welfare state, in reality it pales in significance next to the prospect of UKIP-Conservative coalition. Such a government could signal the end of the NHS in its current format, and a return to the hierarchical Thatcherite policies that were arguably to blame for the recent collapse of the banks, and the alienation of the poorer members of society.

This is a somewhat apocalyptic forecast, which is arguably exaggerated and undoubtedly subjective. Regardless of the supposed progress, the UKIP party is still very much in its infancy. There is a distinct possibility that it may suffer the same fate as “Cleggomania” and underperform at the general election. Furthermore, even if it gains more than twenty seats, coalition may ultimately damage the party’s anti-systemic reputation.

There are multiple hoops for Farage and his followers to jump through in the path to the political main stage. The greatest hope for the political left is that they fall before they reach there. Regardless of political allegiance however, UKIP currently presents us with a genuine challenge to the status quo of mainstream politics. It is impossible to presently predict whether the party will spread its proverbial wings, or return to the ashes of mediocrity.

William Cafferky

Has Farage 'Lost the Plot' in Scotland?

Following the protests against Nigel Farage and UKIP in Edinburgh, Online Features Editor Meg Lawrence assesses UKIP’s position in Scotland, and asks Scottish student Kyle Pryke for his opinion on the matter.

Nigel Farage has once again grabbed headlines, this time with his controversial visit to Scotland and the protests he left in his wake.

Following the protest Farage faced upon his visit to Edinburgh, he accused Scottish Nationalism as being “akin to fascism.”

Farage tries to leave protest in a taxi.
Image Credits- BBC

Speaking to the Good Morning Scotland programme shortly after the protest, Farage stated: “The anger, the hatred, the shouting, the snarling, the swearing was all linked in to a desire for the Union Jack to be burnt.” He also told BBC Radio Four’s Today Programme that the protesters were “filled with a total and utter hatred of the English.”

In response, a spokesperson for the SNP (Scottish National Party) said: “Anyone who heard the interview with Nigel Farage on BBC this morning would have thought he has completely lost the plot.”

Amidst the extremes of opinion, what do Scottish people feel about the situation of UKIP in Scotland?

Exeposé asked Exeter student Kyle Pryke, who is from Scotland, whether he believes UKIP stand a chance there. He said: “From a personal point of view their policies and aims are very problematic, and due to our government’s transparency in Scotland, UKIP’s flaws are easily seen. I would argue that their chances in Scotland are slim at best.”

Pryke doesn’t see the protests as a demonstration of English hatred. He told Exeposé: “The protests were justified on the basis of calling out UKIPs policies and ideologies, and making it clear that many people in Edinburgh do not support them.”

“Scotland’s students are far more vocal about their parliamentary representatives than many of the students I have met whilst here in Exeter, so it comes as no surprise that some people here are a little shocked by the strong response to UKIP’s presence in Edinburgh. I would also like to make it clear that no crimes, as of yet, were committed during these protests so I feel it was very justified.”

Indeed, there was no protest at the UKIP conference held in Exeter University’s Great Hall, despite the fact that many students were outraged that such an association was being made with the University. Exeposé asked Pryke whether he thought that students who oppose UKIP in Exeter should have taken the same action at the conference. He said: “If people disagree with UKIP strongly then they should have protested, or done something to make them aware of Exeter’s position on their policies.”

“Some people may agree with UKIP and support them, that’s fine, go out and show support. If you don’t and you feel that strongly about it, protest. Stand up and be counted no matter which side of the fence you sit on. It’s when people actively avoid this decision and do nothing that the real damage is done.”

Protests are often manipulated by the accused in order to make their opponents appear to simply be causing trouble. In the case of Edinburgh, Farage has done just that.

It is about time he took heed from these protests, and accepts the fact that there are many, not only in Scotland, who oppose his policies. UKIP may have had a recent surge in success, but whether it lasts for long is another matter.

Meg Lawrence, Online Features Editor

The Man of the Hour?

Exeposé Features meet the leader of Britain’s most controversial political party, Nigel Farage.

EXETER’S Great Hall recently played host to one of its more curious weekend events: the UKIP party conference. Campus was flooded with more than the usual amount of tweed jackets and wealthy people. When I caught up with him, Nigel Farage was quietly lurking at the back of the hall. “Can we go outside?” he asks, “I’d like to have a smoke, and they won’t let me in here.” So far, so Farage.

Nigel Farage is certainly the politician of the hour. His poll ratings are up, the popularity of the EU is down, and he is increasingly

Image Credits- The Guardian

snatching the limelight from the other political big beasts.  Many heavyweights in the main parties privately admit they are worried about the effect that Farage’s party, the “party for beer-drinkers, taxi drivers and patriots”, will have on the next election.

And Farage knows it. “The European Elections will be an opportunity for us to cause an earthquake in British politics”, he says with a mischievous grin.  His recent appearances on Sky and the BBC are doing more and more to solidify UKIP as a serious and distinct challenger to Labour and the Conservatives.  What are they offering which is so different? “The politics of principle”, Farage explains, “We’ve got some ideas and we’re not constrained by political correctness.” He knows all too well that his greatest strength, UKIP’s place outside the ‘political class’, may be the other parties’ greatest weakness.

Farage is keen on this distinction; being British politics’ most high profile ‘outside man’. He makes a point of distancing himself from the other party leaders, explaining this was part of his reasoning behind rejecting the much-speculated pact with the Conservatives after David Cameron’s promise of an EU referendum. “I don’t think I trust him. There are some people you can shake hands with and think a deal’s a deal, and I don’t really place Cameron in that category.” But he’s all too flattering about his fellow Westminster misfits. “I like Boris very much. And Michael Gove, I like Gove. If there was a different leader who would listen to our views, rather than dismiss them out of hand with insults, then maybe the situation could change.”

At this point of the interview, Farage’s phone goes off. “Hello, hello.”, he barks into his Blackberry, “I’m doing an interview, I’ll ring you back.” With a last deep puff, his cigarette burns down to the end, and he presses it into the ground with his patent leather brogues. “Where were we then?”

Given the recent problems some UKIP candidates have had in the local elections, Farage knows it isn’t all rosy in the UKIP garden. “There are one or two image issues that could be more positive”, he says, “perhaps we look a little old fashioned to some people.” As it moves into poll position as the favourite for the European Elections in 2014, UKIP is facing significant teething problems.  Despite its efforts in Eastleigh, UKIP was unable to secure that all-important first seat in Parliament. Farage is aware of the ongoing predicament that he tends to get higher approval ratings than his party colleagues, but is adamant that a UKIP victory in Eastleigh wouldn’t have been assured by a little Farage charm. “I’m not particularly sure I would have done any better”, he insists dismissively, but with uncharacteristic evasiveness.

Given his experience losing to Speaker John Bercow in the 2010 General Election, he might be right. “I enjoyed running and I was freed from responsibilities of being party leader, which was a tremendous relief” Farage explains, with a throaty chuckle. Even on the subject of his plane crash, he seems unperturbed. “You do things in life; some of them work, some of them don’t, and it didn’t finish up very well but there you are.”

But he sees many, many green shoots for UKIP in the future. While right-wing parties tend to struggle with the youth vote, Farage’s UKIP have found it a lot easier to attract a fresher, younger demographic. For him, Europe is their golden ticket to getting beyond the grey vote: “We think Europe is a little back yard run by a load of unelected old men. Going round universities, there is a terrific amount of support for our ideas.” UKIP’s youth wing is reinventing itself, and may well end up sizeable force in student politics.

From the conference hall, we hear applause from the audience. An elderly lady waits patiently inside for an audience with the party leader. Farage glances towards the door, then his watch. It’s almost time for his big speech.

He still has time for one last hurrah. Nigel Farage is, for the moment, UKIP’s one-man-band, but his Deputy Paul Nuttal is increasingly moving into the spotlight. “He’s very young”, Farage notes, “but he’s bald so he looks old. Bald people always look old. They look ancient at 30, and at 80 they look young, it’s very very strange.“ With that, he rolls his eyes upwards, turns on his heel, and disappears inside.

UKIP has many problems, but after this conference, the party is definitely on a high. And with its politician-turned-celebrity, Nigel Farage, at the helm, we can expect to see much more from Britain’s political mavericks.

James Roberts, Features Editor

This Isn't the Protest Vote You’re Looking For: Why We Should Say No to UKIP

Leader of Exeter Labour Students, Dan Richards and  Gender and Equalities Society Treasurer George Causer examine UKIP’s place in modern British politics. Below, Dan suggests that a vote for UKIP is nothing more than a misinformed protest vote and following suit in an interview with Exeposé Comment,  George condemns UKIP as, “out of touch with modern Britain”.

Those among you who look with glee at the rise of the UK Independence Party, and were counting down the days until Nigel ‘the Chosen one’ Farage graced the University with his presence at the  UKIP  Spring Conference should really ask yourselves a question: Are you really a UKIP supporter? Or are you simply a disillusioned individual, tired of party politics, who has been unfortunately led astray by the dark lord himself?

UKIP to me is nothing more than a protest vote for one simple reason. They only have one well-known policy, a policy which they manage somehow to link to every aspect of the British political system in an attempt to tap into the supposed wide-spread Euro-scepticism that currently exists in Britain. In other words, “If that big, mean and nasty European Union would just leave us jolly-well alone, we respectable Brits would be much better off!” Their entire platform is based upon a simplistic, reductionist view of the European Union. To truly give your support to a party, there has to be more than one issue with which you agree with them on and I would be surprised if many people could name a different UKIP policy.

“I believe a vote of confidence for the EU would be the response of the public once both sides of the argument were put forward…”
Photo Credit: rockcohen via Compfight cc

As head of Labour Students, it is to nobody’s surprise I disagree with the policies of UKIP. I disagree with their ‘death to Europe’ attitude and believe that leaving the Union would be disastrous for Britain; but what most perplexes me about UKIP is the rest of the party’s platform and what would be left once they had removed the ‘coven’ of European bureaucrats. A couple of examples of their policies from their manifesto should show you what I mean. When it comes to the economy, the tax cuts and alterations they propose, although seemingly giving money back to the people, would make it almost impossible for them to protect the frontline services they promise to uphold. Their social policy is bleaker still, with UKIP claiming that ‘Britishness’ is under threat from multiculturalism (I do not know how we sleep at night!) and that they wish to teach a history of Britain in schools which, as a historian myself, appears to be somewhat at odds with the truth.

But I am in favour of a referendum on the European Union. We need a debate to show both sides of Europe for a change. I believe a vote of confidence for the EU would be the response of the public once both sides of the argument were put forward and with this, a dagger would be plunged into the heart of UKIP. The current protest vote party would once again be the black sheep of UK politics. We should not celebrate their arrival in Exeter but rather look forward to their eventual farewell from the political scene altogether!

Dan Richards.

 In the following interview with Exeposé Comment, George Causer examines UKIP not only as a simple protest vote, but as importantly a party with no, “coherent policy platform”.

Exeposé Comment: How would you sum up UKIP?

George Causer: I completely agree with David Cameron that most UKIP voters are a bunch of “fruit cakes” and “closet racists”. Their policy platform is incoherent. They want to hark back to a Britain that doesn’t exist anymore. Issues such as gay marriage show that they’re not up with social trends. Frankly, I believe that most UKIP voters are old Daily Mail readers who are out of touch with modern Britain.

EC: Why have UKIP become so successful, so quickly?

GC: I think it is because of the complete and utter collapse of the Liberal Democrat option as a protest vote. [The Liberal Democrats] seem to have compromised on their beliefs- they made unaffordable promises such as abolishing tuition fees. UKIP haven’t got the trappings of power so can make unaffordable and out of touch commitments which they have no intention to keep.

EC: What do you think of our relationship with the European Union?

GC: I think our relationship with the EU needs to be changed.  We give too much money to schemes such as the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) which goes to subsidising French farmers at the detriment of starving Africans who can’t trade their way out of poverty. However I don’t think we should pull out of the EU; that would be the removal of a foreign market that we trade with and a silly move to make at this time. What we need to do is renegotiate, not leave.

EC: What are the main problems that face UKIP in their struggle to be considered a serious political party?

GC: They need some policies other than leaving the EU. At the moment they have a hotchpotch of unaffordable spending commitments where they say they can cut taxes for everyone whilst at the same time increasing the military budget, and spending more money on schools and the NHS. They also suggest a flat rate of income tax which would be grossly unfair. They need to think through a coherent policy platform. Also, they need to be less dependent on Nigel Farage…outside of Farage they have no credible political figures who any members of the general public would recognise. UKIP need to build up local council bases, they currently have a very low amount of councillors compared to the major parties.

EC: How long can UKIP maintain their current impressive polling figures?

GC: I think they’ll win the European elections when the public realise that it’s a vote to stick two fingers up to the EU and not really elect a government, but they’ll fizzle out in 2014/15; maybe because of more media exposure regarding their absurd policy plan and I think that by the time the General Election comes along they’ll be back to 6%. It will still be enough to damage the Conservatives but not enough to win them many seats.

For the case made for UKIP be sure to read UKIP: Filling the Void and Here to Stay. Is UKIP the only party offering a serious stance on EU referendum? Or are they simply reaping the protest vote from an unsatisfied conservative voter? Give a reply below or post your comment to the Exeposé Comment Facebook Group.

UKIP's New Attraction?

Photo credits to Jari Jackonen

As the UKIP spring conference gets underway in Exeter University’s Great Hall, Meg Lawrence asks whether their surprising election result in the Eastleigh by-election was merely the result of political protest or the start of a new trend of growing popularity for the party.

Nigel Farage, leader of UKIP, is undoubtedly confident in his party’s position following the recent Eastleigh by-election. Although the seat was won by the Liberal Democrat candidate Mike Thornton, UKIP gained almost 28% of the vote, ahead of the Conservative candidate Maria Hutchings, who won just 14%. Whilst some claim this victory over the Conservative and Labour parties is merely the result of political protest, Farage has assured his audience at the Exeter conference that this recent surge in votes reflects growing support for the party.

There’s no doubt that he knows how to pour a soothing balm over the voting public’s open sores, and he’s adept at capitalising on key issues that are always so prominent in the midst of a recession. Hence we see the regular reappearance of immigration, Europe, taxation and class in his rhetoric. But, how likely is he to turn this recent support into effective politics?

UKIP, formed in the 1990s, are yet to hold a seat in the House of Commons, and have been criticised by many for their anti-immigration policies. Speaking at the conference, Farage claimed that the Eastleigh results revealed a “wholesale rejection of the political class”. He went on to state: “It’s something far more powerful than a protest vote. Actually the vast majority of the people going out and voting UKIP in these by-elections do so because we are the people that are putting forward positive alternative policies that would make this country a better and prouder place.”

Here, Farage talks sense in so much as the voting public wants a better and prouder country- one where bankers don’t get away with uncheckable greed, politicians don’t fleece the expenses systems, bosses don’t look the other way when they recognise wrong doing and journalists don’t use underhand methods to extract an exclusive story. They’re after a country that is honest, fair and free. But no political party, least of all UKIP, is promising that. UKIP’s policies play to people’s fears and that doesn’t make the country any better or prouder, but rather encourages negative views towards immigrants and Britain’s stance in Europe.

The Eastleigh by-election itself was proof of the fact that you don’t need a popular political manifesto to gain votes. Ray Hall’s Beer, Baccy and Crumpet Party gained a total of 235 votes in the by-election, whilst David Bishop’s Elvis Loves Pets party received 72 votes. Perhaps not all voters were quite so light hearted in their voting, but there is no doubt that UKIP gained more votes because the Conservative, Labour and Liberal Democrat parties consistently fail to deliver their promises.

For as long as we’re in recession, Farage will find favour with the voting public. The real test will be how popular he remains once unemployment and the economy are no longer keeping the voting public awake at night.

Meg Lawrence, Online Features Editor 

Euroscepticism: another British quirk?

Photo credits to the European Parliament.

As UKIP makes Devon news, Features Editor Imogen Watson takes a look at euroscepticism across the rest of the European Union from her current base in France.

With the arrival of the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) onto our sunny Exeter campus some might suggest there has been a darkening of the landscape in bright and shining Devon, and not just because of the rain. Whether true or not, there is some argument that perhaps there is a change of the British political scenery, and that our three main parties are now becoming four.

It is easy to get lost within the borders of your own country, however, and forget about the events and political situations abroad. We spend time looking at our British affairs and how they affect the European Union, but the vast majority gives no time to examining the political make-up of those other European countries, and how they react to EU actions.

Here in France where I currently find myself, like the UK, who is in power generally tends to alternate from a stable centre-left government to a stable centre-right one. On the whole, it is difficult for outside parties to step in and interrupt the success of these coalitions, but there is a party which has grown in success. Try not to be alarmed by the name, as it may well look familiar to you. It is the Front National. Perhaps the name Marine Le Pen also rings some bells, as it is under her leadership that the Front became much more focused in its immigration policy on the attack on Muslims for their apparent threat to the French Republic.

Whilst the Front National resembles more the British National Party than UKIP, like the BNP, it too has an anti-European Union wing, calling for the end of French involvement in the Union and a return to the Franc over the Euro. The more-equivalent party to UKIP is Mouvement pour la France (MPF) and is considered a moderately conservative party. In the 2009 European elections, however, it proved much less popular than UKIP by gaining just 4.80% of the popular vote.

Until recently, Euro-sceptic parties seemed to be scarcer in Germany, with vocal detractors coming from populist right-wing parties but in the last few months, there has been the emergence of a new party named Alternative für Deutschland (Alternative for Germany). It is a single-issue party in that it is anti-euro but not actually anti-European Union; its success is yet to be seen, but it does have some prominent supporters who worked against the Greek bail-out. No doubt it will be the state of the single currency in the run-up to the next European elections in 2014 that will decide its fate, although one in four voters appears to currently support the end of German involvement in the euro.

Euroscepticism is in existence in every country throughout the Union, and indeed has kept countries like Norway from ever joining in the first place. Every country has at least one party in favour of at least EU reform, if not complete withdrawal. Yet it is importantly more prominent in the United Kingdom than any other country and UKIP is closer to becoming a strong political force than any of its European equivalents. Simply put, why?

Quite honestly that little stretch of water – and I call it little as we have managed to branch it with a train – is key. Physically disconnected as we are from the mainland, our hearts and mindsets have never properly lain with continental Europe, and as such we have been slightly reluctant passengers in the Union, never really having grasped the chance at taking up the driving seat of Europe, to quote Eddie Izzard. Our culture differs greatly from our nearest continental neighbour, France, despite that small distance between our coast lines, and so does our politics. Even if UKIP’s ascent is just a protest vote, it is a sustained one happening over many years that does not happen “on the continent”. Just that common phrase sets up an image – they share borders, you can live in Germany and go shopping in Poland without a passport. It is an image and an attitude we are just not used to on our island.

No European countries, except perhaps France and its ever-friendly relationship with Britain, actually want the UK to leave the Union. Yet no pro-European British politician takes the time nowadays, even before the euro crisis began, to explain to the public what benefits we are actually gaining from our EU membership, instead leaving the Eurosceptics to reign supreme. The situation might well look different if someone took a moment to do so.

Imogen Watson, Online Features Editor

UKIP conference to be held on-campus

Image credit: GUZELIAN

The Spring Conference of a rejuvenated UK Independence Party will take place in the Great Hall this Saturday.

The event, which is likely to attract interest from the national media, will be followed by a reception and Gala dinner in the evening, before a training day takes place on Sunday.

After their surprise second place finish in the Eastleigh by-election, UKIP are now seen by some as a rising force in British politics and a threat to the Conservative party. The announcement of a possible referendum on EU membership and pressure on David Cameron to move his party to the right have indicated to many UKIP’s increasing influence.

With the party now sitting in third place in many polls, Saturday’s conference will likely focus on the party’s successes this year.

Criticism of Wednesday’s budget can also be expected, with party leader Nigel Farage suggesting earlier this week that “we need to cut spending far more radically than we have done.”

UKIP, who have increasingly gained membership from disillusioned Conservatives over the EU and gay marriage, propose dramatic spending cuts on foreign aid, quangos and the EU.

Farage, the father of a former Exeter student, will be returning to the city for the second time in recent years, having attended a question and answer talk organised by the politics society in 2011.

His leader’s address will take place at midday on Saturday, whilst party members host a number of training events around campus throughout the day, including public speaking training in the Peter Chalk Centre.

Concerns have been raised by some about the University being seen to host, and even endorse, any political party. First year politics student and UKIP sympathiser Alicia Mosley was more perturbed by the party’s choice of location for electoral gain and also hoped “that the University could reallocate funds for students’ benefit.”

Tickets for the conference, dinner and training day are available here until Friday, costing £20, £35 and £10 respectively.

Harrison Jones, Online News Editor